Don’t bother looking for the political significance of the Supreme Court nominee’s Catholicism. There isn’t any.
When I asked her why, she talked about another role model: Pauli Murray.
David Opderbeck’s book about theology, the law, and how we engage with both
Why we can’t rely on this or any other hermeneutical principle
R.J. Maratea argues that lynching declined when white people began to realize that the courtroom would work just as well.
John Corvino, Ryan Anderson, and Sherif Girgis agree: religious liberty is good, discrimination is bad, and the clash between these values is complicated.
At his inauguration on January 20, 1953, President Dwight D. Eisenhower took an unprecedented step: after taking the oath of office, he led the nation in prayer. During his prayer, which historian Kevin Kruse notes helped make Eisenhower’s inauguration as much a “religious consecration” as a “political ceremony,” the new president asked God to “make full and complete [the executive branch’s] dedication to the service of the people.” Eisenhower’s professed dedication to serve all the citizens of the United States and his willingness to rely upon God’s help were not entirely new.
Amid the chorus of Facebook likes and rainbow images, it was easy to overlook a third critical SCOTUS ruling.
The Supreme Court reflects the politics of the moment. And two recent decisions are in line with a shift of the current court toward the right.
If you haven't read Justice Kagan's dissent to the Supreme Court's pro-governmental-prayer decision in Town of Greece v. Galloway, you should.